I had an interesting conversation about secondary liability
recently; I recalled the "capable of a substantial non-infringing
use" standard in the Betamax case.
- What the Supreme Court did not say. A product or
device merely capable of a substantial non-infringing use
cannot be banned by Congress (or cannot create secondary
liability for its manufacturer or distributor if they did
not knowingly encourage or facilitate an illegal use).
- What the Supreme Court also did not say. A
product or device merely capable of a substantial
non-infringing use cannot be banned by Congress under the
Copyright Clause power (or cannot create secondary copyright
infringement liability for its manufacturer or distributor
if they did not knowingly encourage or facilitate an illegal
copyright-infringing use).
- What the Supreme Court did say (roughly). A
product or device merely capable of a substantial
non-infringing use is not banned by the 1976 Copyright Act
or other traditional copyright legislation, and traditional
copyright law, does not, in fact, create secondary copyright
infringement liability for its manufacturer or distributor
if they did not knowingly encourage or facilitate an illegal
copyright-infringing use. However, it is possible that
Congress might create secondary copyright infringement
liability in the future or deliberately ban products or
devices in the future even where they have substantial
non-infringing uses.
Since copyright industries' lawyers love to emphasize the narrowness
of the Betamax holding (even as they sometimes suggest that even
such a narrow holding is obsolete in this Revolutionary New Era of
Perfect Digital Copies!), I will here suggest that it was, actually,
very narrow. The Supreme Court did suggest (I think in dicta) that
substantial-non-infringing-use products could be banned in the
future (they just had not been banned yet).
This is reminiscent of another copyright-liability case, U.S.
v. LaMacchia, where the court was extremely upset that no
legislation actually on the books created criminal liability for
LaMacchia's behavior (non-commercial copyright infringement).
The court suggested that Congress should pass legislation imposing
criminal penalties for such behavior, and it immediately did so
(the NET Act).
In the years after Betamax, secondary-liability copyright theories
died down in court (until digital recording became
widespread, whereupon lots of copyright holders started to suggest
that various traditional rights were peculiar to the analog-recording
world and didn't carry over at all into the brave new
digital world). However, secondary-liability legislation
did happen in Congress to some extent; the examples I know offhand
are the Audio Home Recording Act of 1992 and both the anticircumvention
(1201(a), 1201(b)) and Macrovision mandate (1201(k)) provisions in
the Digital Millennium Copyright Act six years later. (I could also
add the CMI provisions of that Act, but that's a whole other story.)
I'm sure that's not the limit of secondary-liability legislation,
because I can think of several other things which Federal law has
restricted to deter copyright infringement -- but I don't actually
know the legislative history behind those things. The general point
is that Congress has, on a few occasions, acted to outlaw things
which did have substantial non-infringing uses. And it's
not clear that the Betamax case said that Congress could not do so.
I'm pretty sure no judge has ever overturned secondary-liability
Federal legislation on the strength of Betamax.
OK, but outside of the entertainment industries, we generally
believe (or act as though we believed) that "substantial
non-infringing use" is the right rule for secondary copyright
liability for every technology and not merely for those
technologies about which Congress has not yet spoken -- we seem
to believe that Congress was always wrong to create secondary
liability for the manufacture or distribution of any of
these technologies. (Of course, when we complain about things
like the DMCA, which eradicate large portions of the substantial
non-infringing technology world outright on a single company's
say-so, many people reply that secondary liability legislation
is routine (1) outside of the copyright law world and
(2) also even within the copyright law world since Betamax
but you just didn't notice most of it when it happened.)
This suggests that many people treat "substantial non-infringing
use" as a kind of moral principle or public policy principle
and not just as a characterization of the proper way to interpret
the 1976 Copyright Act. We tend to feel, in other words, that
the Betamax decision touched on something which was much deeper
than the particular question before the Court -- a freedom of
innovation or freedom of manufacture.
There is an old legal maxim abusus non tollit usum which
goes back long before Betamax -- "tollit" literally means "picks
up" but here means something more like "removes" or "takes away",
so "(an) abuse does not eliminate (a good) use". And I think
this is intuitive to people if you phrase it that way: "Would you
want to be prevented from having something or from doing something
just because someone else might abuse it?" Most often the answer
is no, at least if you're asking about something the person
you're talking to actually values. And we always hear that
various DMCA-prescribed "circumvention devices" are "(the
equivalent of) a digital crowbar", but we can point out easily
enough that crowbars are legal. Behold:
This very crowbar was recently seen -- and used -- at EFF! EFF
purchases and uses crowbars in its work! Furthermore, the
crowbar was displayed openly (in full view of passers-by), and
nobody called the police. It was even purchased openly, likely
with cash, at a hardware store some time in the past. (Our
paralegal/general contractor was doing a little remodeling.)
So there's a particularly excellent irony in the fact that
crowbars are a legal technology and readily available to the
public; the fact that they can be used by burglars (and often
are used by burglars, and crowbar manufacturers are
aware of this) has not deterred the manufacture and sale of
these implements. And they are obviously very useful for
both legal and illegal purposes.
On the other hand, if MPAA attorneys (hi guys!) wanted to employ,
or Jack Valenti wanted to employ a more rhetorically effective
analogy, they could always resort to "digital lock-pick" (which,
in fact, they have used interchangeably with "digital
crowbar"). Here in some cases local legislation does
restrict who can purchase certain kinds of lock picks, or who
can carry them around where.
(This has never translated into a suggestion that the speech
of people explaining how to open locks, even in
technical detail, could properly be curtailed in order to
protect the locks.
See Chicago Lock v. Fanberg (lock-opening details as protected
speech);
MIT
Guide to Lockpicking (widely disseminated instructions for
the same). But note that
some
MIT hackers felt that "indiscriminate" publication of this information
was inappropriate. Secondary liability for pure speech is extremely
rare, although some people think that
Rice
v. Paladin -- the "Hit Man" case -- did provide for that
prospect, and the Supreme Court declined to review this decision.)
Returning to this subject, lock picks have substantial legal uses
(for example, many people use them to break into their own property
or to help others break into their own property; they're also used
in emergencies, for educational purposes, and for security research
and experimentation). I have tried lock-picking with a pick set (I
was remarkably bad at it!) and certainly found it intellectually
interesting (as did Richard Feynman, who might actually have broken
Federal criminal law now and then with some of his lock experiments
at government facilities).
I suspect that most technical people I know would feel that lock
picks should be legal for sale to the general public everywhere,
and would tend to value their freedom to buy lock picks. And lock
picks are actually legal for sale to the public in many
jurisdictions (some will require some kind of affirmation or
certification).
You can easily shade over into substantial-non-infringing examples
with dual-use technologies which can kill, and here opinions
start to diverge more sharply. (While some acts of copyright
infringement, not to mention l'havdil burglary, have
been punished much more severely than l'havdil some
acts of murder, many people will feel that the high stakes here
are enough to make them reconsider.) You can start with guns,
where the substantial-non-infringing use rule has rarely been
honored by legislation (though one could certainly argue that the
defensive uses of extremely powerful weapons are not "substantial"
under ordinary circumstances). Some gun advocates have suggested,
in some sense, that it should be. It seems clear that guns can
be used legally (even to kill, in self-defense) and that this use
is "substantial" -- it happens frequently that lethal weapons like
guns are used to an apparently legitimate purpose.
The argument over whether or not guns are an effective
means of self-defense (especially for people who haven't been
trained in their use) seems like a decoy, since some people do
believe that guns will be effective this way for them, and many
of them have been correct.
A more interesting question, as I see it, starts by observing
that guns are weapons which have been specifically designed to
be lethal, to kill people -- a capability it's hard to imagine a
just world putting to use. This world as it is finds seemingly
just and unjust uses for that capability, and individuals want it.
The weapons have not apparently been specifically designed for
illegal murder, and they do have substantial legal uses. Starting
here, some arguments shade back into a concrete cost-benefit
analysis (comparing the number of people killed by guns in various
circumstances, or estimating other probabilities), but a deeper
question seems to be when a cost-benefit analysis is legitimate.
The Supreme Court considered cost-benefit issues raised
by the VCR, but subsequently it appeared to articulate what
had the ring of an alleged moral principle which we can read to
say that cost-benefit analysis was not appropriate in the first
place. That is, it doesn't matter, for example, if 90% of users
of something are copyright infringers, or 95%, or 98%, if the
thing is merely capable of substantial non-infringing use. The
percentage doesn't matter, the actual fact-pattern doesn't matter.
Does that make sense, and does it make sense for other things,
like weapons?
Another corresponding example much in the news these days is
government regulation of biological samples used for research
(and also radioisotopes of certain types, purities, and
concentrations; Cory recently wrote a great piece in which he
noted that movie studios seemed to want the humble analog-to-digital
convertor treated as though it were one of these dangerous
substances). It seems intuitively bad to me to think of
researchers being required to register (or get permission)
for their research. (And in fact various people have been horrified
by the DMCA's effects on cryptography research; the academic world
and the computer security world consider it ridiculous that you
should need to ask someone before you try to devise attacks on a
cipher or cryptosystem.) But controls on hazardous physical
materials like explosives, radioisotopes, and biological toxins
and infectious agents are being strengthened. And they also
seem relatively normal to people (to some extent including the
researchers or others whose use of these materials is regulated).
Entertainment industries, as I said, are happy to draw an analogy
back to digital technology: I've heard an argument so close
to "if we control who can have dangerous materials like U-235, why
can't we also control who can have dangerous materials like fast
digitizers or Internet nodes?". That argument seems silly, but is
there some obvious moral conclusion which shows why it's wrong?
Is there a clear reason why we do have a right to some
technologies, without having to ask anyone else's assent, or without
having to stave off Congressional action? (Here I am assuming
arguendo inappropriate things about political philosophy such
as that there is a legislature which can properly compel people to do
certain things, and obviously that assumption needs to be justified
and it's not clear that it is. But that issue isn't the most
interesting question this year, or at least not in this diary
entry.)
And what would that right tell us about existing patterns of
regulation of other technologies? For example, the DMCA and
the broadcast flag issue have galvanized opposition among
people I know to the "cell phone scanner law", even though it
was rarely on the minds of anybody but hams since it was
enacted in 1991. All of a sudden, we are thinking again about
existing technology mandates, and feeling skeptical about them.
The obvious idea seems to be that secondary liability is a bad
thing (1) because it punishes people for things they haven't
done ("punishment in advance", "collective punishment") and
(2) because it hurts innovation, sometimes. So secondary
liability is really about preventing people from acquiring
(or helping people acquire) certain capabilities,
supposedly as a way of deterring a result which occurs when
those capabilities are used in a certain way.
DMCA proponents, for example, might observe at this point that
it's quite rare to trust people in general unconditionally
with every ability they might want or every ability they might
be able to use. So, for instance, you might believe that
someone who enters your house without your permission is doing
something wrong (and then you might go on to believe that
such a person may properly be punished, after the fact, for
having done so). Usually you then take an affirmative step
to deny the public the ready capability to enter
your house without your permission, by locking your doors.
You don't necessarily think that this is some sort of
imposition on the public's rights. (Of course, if you're
John Perry Barlow, you might instead
not lock your house, tell a pseudonymous
person you've just met where you live, and then publish all the
details in an article.)
You could say that the actual underlying wrong here is the
trespass, and that a rule against breaking and entering is
actually a kind of secondary liability, so that a rule regulating
the tools needed to perform an act of breaking and entering
is actually tertiary liability. (It's trying to stop
people from getting into your house, by trying to stop them from
getting the capability to get into your house, by trying to
stop them from getting the capability to get the capability to
get into your house.) On the other hand, the idea that a
security measure deserves legal protection in itself
(without a need to prove that someone who impaired or evaded it
had a nefarious intent) is old enough that it seems unremarkable.
Maybe it ought to be remarkable.
If you believe the misleading sleight-of-hand which suggests
that a TPM is like a lock on your door (because a copyrighted
work is like your house? so that the
NII is like a prison?), then the DMCA's prohibition on
circumvention is like banning breaking and entering, and the
prohibition on trafficking in circumvention devices is like
banning lock picks. They are actually distinct approaches and
one of them is further removed from the alleged harm than the
other.
Back outside the strange copyright funhouse, you could attempt
to prevent terrorist attacks by attacking the capability to
mount them, which could mean attacking access to materials which
would facilitate those attacks. And U.S. law has certainly
gotten involved in regulating the manufacture or distribution
of explosives, which, as I noted above, obviously have
substantial non-infringing uses (such as demolition, mining,
and pyrotechnic displays). For the most part, explosive
agents aren't banned, but controlled (although
regulations are usually implemented in the form "no person
shall do X, except..."). The ability to handle and
possess certain explosive devices is limited to licensed
members of a licensed profession and this is not just
because they have professional training others don't
but also because they've identified themselves. A whole
culture of identification and documentation exists within
these professions. Members have to prove not only that they
know how to handle dangerous materials safely, but
also that they are a part of a system which has an institutional
commitment to following certain laws, and to keeping those
dangerous materials within the exclusive control of members of
that system.
In some sense this is a straightforward restriction of the
freedom of every member of the public (including those who
are licensed to deal with explosives, because they
have given up a great deal of privacy and autonomy to reach
that position). It's not just a safety regulation (concerned
with preventing accidents), because it doesn't simply require
evidence of knowledge or skill. (To a first
approximation, licensure of amateur radio operators is closer
to a pure test of skill -- verifying that hams know how
radio systems work and know how to avoid injuring anyone or
causing any prohibited interference. Licensure of drivers
also works that way -- supposedly it's simply a confirmation
that a licensed driver can drive safely.) In the explosives
world, I think licensure goes far beyond safety rules to
prevent accidents. There are also rules which contemplate
(and indirectly try to hinder) willful abuse of explosives.
These rules know that there will be a human in the loop, let's
say an expert human, and they explicitly don't trust that
human, explicitly restrict that human in advance on account
of that mistrust.
How can we say whether this is right? Legal rules here seem
like a patchwork, without a unifying thread, and moral debates
about even a single instance of the question, like access to
weapons, seem terribly mired. I heard that Thomas Edison said
"I'm proud of the fact that I never invented weapons to kill",
and there's a tremendous amount of obvious sense in this,
for many reasons. I don't think I have to enumerate them.
Does that lead to a suggestion that inventing weapons is wrong?
Inventing weapons isn't killing, but revealing a capacity for
killing -- "you can kill people by..." -- oddly similar to
Paladin's decision to publish a manual for hit-men. And that
capacity, or the knowledge of that capacity, has
non-murderous uses now and then even if it's never used.
(Using it in self-defense might also be legitimate, and it's
easier to find broad approval if you think about non-lethal
weapons like pepper spray, which are still explicitly
designed to cause pain and suffering.)
It's commonplace to say that it matters who receives the
fruits of some invention ("this technology could fall into the
wrong hands!"). But in the crypto debates, the Internet
community was adamant about rejecting secondary liability for
the abuse of cryptographic technology. (Of course, there was
considerable disagreement, and still is, about what constitutes
an abuse of cryptography. For example, I can think of at least
five positions on whether using cryptography specifically to
hide communications from a government is wrong.) One claim
was that it was meaningless or impossible to separate "good"
users from "bad" users, especially if one wanted to deploy a
technology as infrastructure, or publish it or give or sell
it to the public. And science and commerce and journalism in
general have ideals about openness and against restricting
the flow of information or products. It would seem strange
to say that some scientific knowledge should be kept secret --
but for hundreds of years, parts of science have
been done in secret, and there's still tremendous conflict over
this. The default here very strongly favors publication, which
means that everyone learns and benefits, for good or ill, and
secondary liability seems misplaced. A few parts of technology
have been pre-empted and classified, but in the U.S. we can
at least pretend that this is a special case and not the
ordinary way things work. Which cases are "special"? How do
you know?